Mao's Great Leap Forward & Cultural Revolution: Key Facts

In 1958, Mao Zedong initiated the "Great Leap Forward," an ambitious campaign to rapidly industrialize China and surpass nations like Britain. Millions of Chinese citizens were diverted from their agricultural roles to produce steel in makeshift furnaces. While there was initial enthusiasm, Mao's policies quickly proved disastrous. Local party officials, driven by idealistic production targets, pulled farmers from their fields and forcibly expropriated farmland, leading to a catastrophic decline in agricultural output.

By late 1958, reports of widespread starvation in Yunnan reached Mao, but he ignored these warnings and exacerbated the crisis by increasing steel production targets. This demonstrated Mao's detachment from reality and disregard for human limitations. The resulting famine, known as the "Three Bitter Years," was a man-made disaster of unimaginable proportions. Food production plummeted by nearly 50% in some regions. While cities had rationing systems, rural areas faced extreme hardship, with people resorting to eating toads, frogs, insects, and even leather. Travel restrictions trapped villagers, preventing them from seeking food elsewhere, leading to mass starvation and unburied bodies littering the roads. The Great Leap Forward ultimately caused over 30 million deaths, making it the most devastating famine in human history.

The Communist Party initially blamed "natural disasters" for the deaths, and Mao attempted to conceal the truth. However, the Soviet embassy began reporting on China's dire economic situation. The collapse of the Great Leap Forward coincided with the Sino-Soviet split, a period of worsening relations between the two communist powers. Mao criticized Nikita Khrushchev's policy of "peaceful coexistence" with the West, while Khrushchev insisted on dictating China's socialist development. Khrushchev further aggravated the situation by recalling all Soviet advisors, halting numerous industrial projects in China despite the ongoing famine.

Internal Criticism and Mao's Retreat

Amidst international isolation and domestic catastrophe, criticism of Mao began to emerge within the Chinese Communist Party. More moderate leaders sought to curb Mao's revolutionary zeal. In July 1959, Defense Minister Peng Dehuai criticized the negative effects of the Great Leap Forward, to which Mao reacted defensively by launching a second Anti-Rightist campaign against anyone who doubted the campaign's achievements. Mao continued to insist that natural disasters were solely to blame.

Two years later, in 1961, President Liu Shaoqi, who had been in office since 1959, witnessed the devastating impact of the Great Leap Forward in his home village. He took a significant political risk by stating at a party congress that nature was only 30% responsible for the disaster, while human actions were 70% responsible. This cautious but clear criticism resonated with many party members. Mao recognized that most top leaders did not share his vision. He acknowledged some responsibility and retreated from the political foreground, largely ceding the stage to President Shaoqi.

This retreat was likely a tactical move, as Mao retained his key roles as party and military chairman and continued to set foreign policy. Other leaders, like Deng Xiaoping and Liu Shaoqi, began implementing cautious reforms to steer the country out of the crisis. They disbanded collective farms and returned land to individual family households to boost food production.

Mao's Resurgence and the Cultural Revolution

Despite his reduced public profile, Mao remained well-informed through informants within the party. He was alarmed by the return of land to farmers, fearing that the achievements of the revolution would be undone after his death. This fear of "revisionism" fueled his dissatisfaction with domestic policies, which he had largely left to his opponents.

In the mid-1960s, Mao began planning a new campaign: the "Cultural Revolution." He envisioned it as a "nationwide maneuver" to reignite the revolution, prevent party stagnation, and stop the re-emergence of capitalism. Mao believed in a "permanent revolution" to ensure his vision endured beyond his lifetime.

The Cultural Revolution relied heavily on youth. Mao, then 72, sought to "immunize" the younger generation against "revisionism" (capitalism). On July 16, 1966, Mao made a triumphant public return by swimming in the Yangtze River, projecting an image of vitality and strength. This display deeply impressed young people, many of whom had grown up revering Mao as a god-like figure.

The "Red Guards," a coalition of students, rapidly grew into a mass movement. Weeks after his Yangtze swim, Mao called for a rally in Beijing. Thousands of Red Guards gathered in Tiananmen Square, where Mao appeared on the Gate of Heavenly Peace, greeted with ecstatic cheers and tears. He was treated like a pop star, his mere presence commanding the masses. Defense Minister Lin Biao, who organized the cult of Mao, called for the eradication of the "Four Olds": outdated ideas, cultures, customs, and habits. Inspired by this radical vision, students pledged unconditional loyalty to Mao, embracing the slogan "Rebellion is justified."

The initial phase of the Cultural Revolution involved brutal destruction. Red Guards smashed cultural relics in temples and attacked individuals deemed to have "bourgeois tendencies," often based on their appearance.

Xi Jinping's Approach to Culture and History

In contrast to Mao, current leader Xi Jinping presents himself as a guardian of traditional Chinese culture. He derives legitimacy from both socialist ideology and traditional Chinese culture, which Mao had condemned. Xi selectively promotes aspects of China's past, such as Confucianism with its values of loyalty, harmony, and piety. He supports traditional medicine, classical literature, and the restoration of historical sites to strengthen national identity and legitimize his rule. Xi also encourages intellectuals to reinterpret traditional culture, aiming to instill pride in China's past. However, this "return to tradition" has clear limits; engagement with history is suppressed if it deviates from the party line, particularly regarding events like the Cultural Revolution.

The Violence of the Cultural Revolution

The Cultural Revolution quickly descended into unprecedented violence. Bian Zhongyun, a school principal, was beaten to death by her students with nail-studded clubs on August 5, 1966. This marked the beginning of widespread murders of teachers, professors, and managers across the country. Witnesses like Wang Youqin, who kept a secret diary, documented these atrocities. Her website memorializing victims was banned by the government in 2000, as writing about the Cultural Revolution was forbidden.

In 1981, the Communist Party officially labeled the Cultural Revolution a "serious mistake" but avoided a comprehensive public reckoning that could question the party's authority. Xi Jinping today avoids conflict with those affected by the Cultural Revolution, both perpetrators and victims, as nearly every Chinese family experienced some form of political persecution.

Propaganda rallies were crucial for mobilizing youth. Marianne Bastid Bruguière, who taught French in China at the time, observed the quasi-religious fervor of these events, where Red Guards who shook Mao's hand refused to wash them. This created a powerful sense of identification between the crowd and the leader. Mao's acceptance of a Red Guard armband symbolized his unity with the movement.

The movement expanded beyond students to include workers, military elements, and party officials. It began targeting those within the party deemed to be on the "path of capitalism," leading to a brutal purge. President Liu Shaoqi and Deng Xiaoping were among the high-ranking officials who fell victim to Mao's political purge, placed under house arrest or disgraced. Critics have drawn parallels between these tactics and Xi Jinping's alleged elimination of party rivals, such as the public escorting of former President Hu Jintao from the 2022 Party Congress.

Denunciation was another key tool during the Cultural Revolution, with children encouraged to denounce their own families as "enemies of the state." This aimed to mentally break individuals and destroy their personalities, making them compliant. Mao reportedly reveled in the chaos, stating, "There is great disorder under heaven. The situation is excellent." Public rituals created immense pressure to conform, with no exit for those who wished to opt out.

Mao's image was ubiquitous, and millions were compelled to bow before his portraits daily and carry the "Little Red Book" of his quotations. This book, initially developed for army recruits, became a societal phenomenon, with people reciting Mao's quotes before meals. Mao's writings, which explicitly called for rebellion against authority, fascinated 1968 protesters worldwide, who saw him as an icon of generational conflict. In the West, the Little Red Book became a symbol of "revolutionary chic," a tool of provocation against the bourgeois world, often detached from the realities of violence and persecution in China.

Escalation of Chaos and Mao's Response

The Cultural Revolution's violence and chaos escalated beyond Mao's initial intentions. Power struggles erupted everywhere, with rival groups killing perceived opponents with the help of militias and the army. By the summer of 1967, China teetered on the brink of civil war. Public executions were common, and children collected bullet casings to sell for money to buy food. Estimates of deaths from the Cultural Revolution range around 1.5 million, with hundreds of millions more suffering political persecution.

Mao eventually realized the movement had spiraled out of control but maintained that everything was proceeding according to plan. His solution was to call in the army to restore order, often brutally. The revolutionary youth movement ultimately ended under military control. The 17 million Red Guards and other rebels, now a potential problem, were declared graduates and sent to the countryside for manual labor, with no guarantee of return. Among them was Xi Jinping, whose parents had fallen out of favor with the party. Xi Jinping's own experience of powerlessness during this period is believed to have shaped his ambition to reach the top. In 2018, he lifted presidential term limits, allowing for permanent rule, a move seen by some as emulating Mao Zedong.

Geopolitical Shifts and Mao's Final Years

By 1969, Mao faced a difficult situation: profound social trauma from the Cultural Revolution and a simmering geopolitical crisis. Relations with the Soviet Union had drastically deteriorated, leading to border skirmishes along the Ussuri River. China feared a Soviet nuclear attack, prompting Mao and the leadership to rethink their strategy. The radical phase of the Cultural Revolution ended, and bomb shelters were built in major cities.

Mao's fear was compounded by his growing distrust of Defense Minister Lin Biao, his designated successor. Lin Biao had ordered a full mobilization of the Chinese army without Mao's knowledge, deeply alarming Mao and leading to a breakdown of their four-decade-long relationship. Mao suspected Lin of plotting a coup. Lin Biao attempted to flee to the Soviet Union but died in a plane crash over Mongolia. This betrayal deeply affected Mao, leading to depression and his first stroke.

Despite these internal struggles, Mao's long-term foreign policy strategy bore fruit. In 1971, the UN recognized the People's Republic of China, largely due to votes from African nations and some Western supporters, allowing China to take Taiwan's permanent seat on the UN Security Council.

Mao also sought to counter the Soviet Union by exploring rapprochement with the United States. An unexpected opportunity arose during the World Table Tennis Championships in Japan when American player Glenn Cowan spontaneously joined the Chinese team. Photos of his friendly interaction with Chinese player Zhuang Zedong ushered in "Ping Pong Diplomacy." The American team was invited to China, marking the first official US visit to the People's Republic. This led to US President Richard Nixon accepting Mao's invitation for a state visit.

Despite his declining health, Mao meticulously prepared for the meeting with Nixon, practicing getting up and sitting down to conceal his weakness. In February 1972, Nixon and Henry Kissinger met Mao in Beijing. Mao appeared agile, with hidden medical equipment. This meeting was a decisive moment, ending Sino-American hostilities and establishing Washington as a strategic partner for China, a major political triumph for Mao.

Mao's final years were marked by severe neurological disorders and multiple strokes. He died on September 9, 1976. A power struggle ensued, with Deng Xiaoping, previously ousted during the Cultural Revolution, ultimately succeeding him in 1978.

Mao's Legacy and Its Enduring Impact

The Second Resolution on Party History, drafted around 1978, described Mao as a great and important political leader who made significant mistakes, concluding that he was "70 percent correct, 30 percent wrong." This verdict, however, prevented open debate about his actions.

Mao's 27-year rule saw his dream of a strong China realized, but at a devastating cost: tens of millions of lives and immeasurable suffering. The trauma left deep scars on Chinese society, encapsulated by the term "fear lodged in the heart," a lingering fear from the Cultural Revolution. The Communist Party, to safeguard its authority, continues to maintain Mao's image as a heroic founder. While Mao was a complex figure, the system itself is also seen as responsible for producing and failing to control such a leader. Mao's shadow continues to shape modern China and influence the policies of Xi Jinping, making an understanding of his historical foundations crucial for comprehending contemporary China.